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Five days before the runoff election, Grigory Yavlinsky, chairman
of the Yabloko Party, took time to talk to Russia Today correspondent
Tracy Dove on July 28 and explain his views on the course of the
Russian presidential elections. Yavlinsky, who finished fourth
in the first round, is potentially a pivotal figure in the race.
He has conditionally endorsed incumbent Boris Yeltsin, but he
is scheduled to meet with the president. Speculation favors that
he will join Yeltsin's government.
Russia Today: Grigory Alekseevich (Yavlinsky), you have often
mentioned the fact that people have chosen to vote against Boris
Nikolaevich (Yeltsin) and Gennady Zyuganov in this election. In
America, we are aware of this phenomenon -- it is called the "negative
vote." What role do you believe this "negative vote"
has played in this campaign thus far?
Grigory Yavlinsky: "If the voter turnout is low [on July
3], it will help Gennady Zyuganov. This is because the democrats
do not go to the polls and the communists do. The democrats believe
that if the democratic forces are indeed correct, then they do
not need to go and vote. They believe that everything will happen
on its own. They will just sit in their homes and assume that
the right thing will get done. And I understand the way these
people think. But at the same time, they must realize that in
an indirect manner, they are actually supporting Zyuganov. But
this does not give us the right to forbid people from staying
at home on election day. But still, they must understand what
their actions mean.
RT: Concerning the course of the elections thus far, do you
think that both of the remaining candidates -- Zyuganov and Yeltsin
-- are addressing the issues properly for the Russian people,
or they are just fighting amongst themselves?
GY: As far as I am concerned, I think that it is a profound mistake
that Yeltsin has not changed his campaign at all after the first
round. He has put all of his hopes into the fact that Aleksander
Lebed has appeared in his government. I think Yeltsin must now
turn to the voters, and constantly speak with them, address their
concerns. But it is not certain that he will do this.
Yevgenniya Chernozatonskaya, another Russia Today reporter: And
Yeltsin excused himself that he has lost his voice!
GY: [laughter] Yes, yes, he lost his voice!
RT: Up until now, Yabloko has been a very successful opposition
party in Russian politics. Do you believe that participating in
Yeltsin's government may compromise the advances that Yabloko
has achieved thus far, and that maybe you should stay an opposition
force?
GY: We are ready to participate, but we will stay away from a
government that could compromise us as a party. We will not be
in the opposition forever. On the other hand, we will not participate
in a government that will defame us so badly that we will never
again be rid of the damage that such an association would cause.
RT: And when do you expect the president to respond to the
questions you proposed?
GY: The president called me and said that we will meet Sunday
(June 30).
RT: And do you plan to hold a press conference then on Sunday?
GY: Maybe, I haven't thought about it yet.
RT: And now to economics. Grigory Alekseevich, many economists
have different opinions as to how the Russian economy should be
restructured. Monetarists argue for a stable currency and money
supply, while others support production-side economics. Do you
fall into one of these two camps, or is there a third way to overcome
the current economic crisis?
GY: The main goal is a political one. It is an aggregate of 70
years of economics. Financial stability is of course an important
background for all economic changes. The stability which we have
thus far achieved is progress we cannot afford to lose. Now, there
are important institutional issues to address in regard to restructuring
the economy. The first thing to take on is land reform. In addition
to this, we must also address property issues, de-monopolization
of the economy and the raw material sector, as well as reconsider
how we can reform the use of energy in the economy.
All of these areas of concern, together with opening the markets
- especially in the former Soviet economies - are the main consideration
for us as far as economic reform goes. Free trade, adjusting our
policy of currency exchange and rates, the creation of a good
environment for competition, these are the main focus of what
must be done.
Today, we have three major crises in Russia. These are in the
realms of budget management, investment in industry and privatization.
All these three areas are currently dysfunctional, and they cannot
withstand any pressures from without. This is the most serious
problem of our economy today.
RT: So you are saying there is a third way for Russia to reform
its economy beyond the standard schools of economics?
GY: There could be a fifth, sixth or seventh. This is an oversimplification
of what you asked. These matters are connected. Naturally we should
have it so that we achieve stabilization and have economic production
at the same time.
RT: Yabloko has spoken in favor of more power to the Russian
regions and limiting the power of the president and the government.
But Russia historically has been controlled centrally from Moscow.
Do you believe that such reforms are at all possible, and especially
at this time?
GY: Yes. If such reforms are at all possible, then only right
now. Only under the pressures of the elections and democratic
procedures is it possible at all.
RT: And how?
GY: Do you see what Yeltsin does? He concludes separate agreements
with different regions, and this is in conflict with the federation
of Russia. Why can't he do this for all regions at the same time?
He waits until someone from these regions comes to him and asks
for something from the federal government. He cannot hold the
power himself - he is forced to give it away.
But Yeltsin goes his own way. Instead of granting greater powers
to all, he waits for a regional leader to come to him and ask
- they must bow before him - this is what his system is. Do you
understand? But generally speaking, it is absolutely possible;
in fact, the regions are forced to do everything they can for
themselves.
RT: Thank you, Grigory Alekseevich.
GY: You are welcome.
Read the Fourth Congress of Yabloko's resolutions, Yavlinsky's
open letter to Supporters, or his letter to Boris Yeltsin.
See also:
 Resolutions
of the Fourth Congress of the Association Yabloko
Fourth
Congress of the Association Yabloko. Address to voters and all
participants in the voters' initiative of Grigory Yavlinsky
Appeal
of the Fourth Congress of the Association Yabloko to President
Boris Yeltsin
from http://www.russiatoday.com/special/yavlint.php3
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