ECONOMIC STABILIZATION
- STRUGGLE AGAINST CONSERVATIVE FORCES - "MARSHALL PLAN"
Despite ritual incantations
like "everything is proceeding according to plan", "the
market is a market", "the people have lived up to the government's
expectations" and the demonstrative campaigns aimed at artificially
inflating the exchange rate of the rouble, the crisis of
the proclaimed policy, as well as the unexpected bunch of
other crises became obvious to expert as far back as March.
Russia's leadership seems to have felt this even earlier
- from that moment it started to look for a way out of the
situation.
February 27. A meeting of
the Russian government approves a Memorandum on Economic
Policy. At last, the government turns to the use of the
external sources of financing to smooth out the consequences
of the liberalization of prices and financial stabilization
which according to the usual scheme must precede the liberalization
of prices (i.e., the government is more than three months
late in doing so). The government announces its plans for
the first time and assumes commitments in an effort to reach
definite parameters of economic development vis-a-vis international
economic organizations. The Memorandum is sent to the International
Monetary Fund, and is not expected to be approved domestically.
According to the Memorandum, the content of the next stage
of reforms will consist in the liberalization of prices
of power resources, an even tougher credit-monetary policy,
and the transition to a single exchange rate for the rouble.
March 27. After short debate,
the Supreme Soviet of Russia refused to approve the President's
budgetary message "On the Budgetary System of the Russian
Federation in 1992" and sent it to be polished. The government
voiced no dissatisfaction over this decision. Incidentally,
the budgetary message contained the Memorandum on the Economic
Policy submitted to the IMF.
March 30. The IMF Board of
Directors voice its approval of the Memorandum presented
by the government of Russia and starts urgent preparations
for the admittance of the republics of the former USSR to
this organization's membership so as to be in a position
to grant economic aid.
April 1. US President George
Bush comes forward with an initiative to grant financial
aid for the reforms under way in Russia and the other republics
of the former USSR. The sum of 24 billion dollars is quoted.
April 2. Unexpected reshuffling
commences in the government, accompanied by manipulation
of posts and an even greater lack of clarity in the delimitation
of functions. The pre-Congress decrees running counter to
the Memorandum for the IMF are signed.
April 3. The government of
Russia signs an agreement with the Central Bank of Russia
on measures for normalizing clearings in the national economy,
envisaging an increase in credit emission to smooth out
the consequences of the payments crisis with approximately
200 billion roubles.
April 7. Russia's President
and head of government Boris Yeltsin delivers a policy speech
at the 6th Congress of Russia's People's Deputies, promising
a considerable increase in social payments to the population
and diverse forms of economic support for enterprises.
Russia's First Vice-Premier
Yegor Gaidar makes a statement at the Congress to the effect
that the West will provide Russia with economic assistance
comparable with the aid supplied under the Marshall Plan
for postwar Europe. Gaidar also declared that the threat
of hyperinflation is over and it is now possible to decide
how to mitigate the credit-monetary policy.
April 8-14. Debate on the President's
report. The Congress adopts a resolution "on the course
of the economic reform", supporting the on-going reforms
and generally not transcending the framework of the promises
made in President Yeltsin's speech.
On April 12 the government
circulates a statement on its resignation backing it up
with claims that the decisions made at the Congress have
doomed the country to hyperinflation, are bringing the privatization
process to a halt and are curtailing the agrarian reform.
President Yeltsin keeps silent. The Congress adopts a declaration
in support of the course of reforms, not changing the text
of the resolution. Boris Yeltsin refuses to accept the government's
resignation.
April 20
under Yegor Gaidar's chairmanship
passes a resolution on raising the prices of power resources
while retaining state control over them, and approves the
draft budget for the second quarter with a deficit of 205
billion roubles.
April 26. Yegor Gaidar meets
in Washington with the ministers of finance and the heads
of central banks in the G7 countries. They circulate a statement
for the press on the results of the meeting, expressing
desire for a programme of stabilization and reforms in Russia,
in the framework of which the Group of 7 is prepared to
grant the promised 24 billion dollars:
- reducing the deficit of the
budget with a view to stabilizing the economy and lessening
the role of the state;
- restricting the growth of
the money supply with a view to combating inflation and
ending the crediting of non-viable enterprises;
- creating a legal basis and
formulating contract rights indispensable in setting the
stage for the development of a market economy, including
privatization and private ownership;
- reforms in agriculture and
power sectors geared to boosting production and attracting
foreign currency;
- mobilizing the system for
the attraction of foreign currency to enable the independent
states of the former Soviet Union to honour their commitments
in repaying the foreign debt;
- moulding a single exchange
rate at a realistic level on the basis of market characteristics.
April 27. Russia and 13 other
republics of the former USSR have been admitted to the IMF.
According to the existing rules, Russia may obtain up to
12 billion dollars from this organization in the course
of three years.
April 29. Before his departure
for Arkhangelsk Russia's President and Prime Minister Boris
Yeltsin made a statement on the lack of readiness to completely
accept the terms offered by the Western countries.
This terse enumeration is
already enough to appraise the entire chaos of the Russian
leadership's movements: it needs simultaneously to recognize
the interests of its own country and the political interests
of the creditor nations granting financial resources. The
Russian leadership easily changes its plans, reneges on
its "moves", and hands out promises at home and abroad which
are occasionally mutually exclusive; all too often it resorts
to overt improvisation and extremely uncoordinated action.
This evidently indicates that Russia's leadership still
lacks a more or less precise and single idea about perspectives
and a clear strategy of action.
Two moments stand out in bold
relief: the 6th Congress of People's Deputies and Russia's
entry into the IMF with its offer of aid. The conservative
forces supposedly suffered a defeat at the Congress, whereas
Russia has been granted something like a Marshall Plan.
Is this true, and what has happened in reality?
On
the Congress
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